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Where’s Plan B for Kosovo’s energy sector?


Jeta Xharra from the Kosovo NGO KOSID contributed to this article which will appear in the upcoming issue 58 of our quarterly Bankwatch Mail 58 with a focus on the Energy Community Treaty.

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Ideas about the construction of a new lignite power plant in Kosovo have existed since the end of the 1980s, and even the current Kosova e Re proposal – scaled down to 600 MW from the original 2100 MW – has been around since 2009. It is being touted by the Kosovo government, the World Bank, USAID and the European Commission among others as the only realistic option to replace the ageing and heavily polluting Kosovo A power plant.

So imagine our surprise when at KOSID’s recent International Conference on Sustainable Energy Options for Kosovo none of the decision-makers present – including from the World Bank, KfW, USAID and the EBRD – was able to tell us the most basic information about the planned, highly controversial new plant.

Among the burning questions people continue to have about Kosova e Re – how much will electricity prices for households rise as a consequence of the project? Kosovo’s Minister of Economic Development, Fadil Ismajli, was not able to say, explaining that it depends on the production costs. How much are they? It is not yet known. What will be the plant’s efficiency level? Again, not known – the exact technology will be defined only in a later stage of the tender procedure.

For a plant that has been planned for more than four years, astonishingly little seems to be known about it other than that a World Bank environmental and social impact assessment is inching forward, and that a ‘request for proposals’ might be launched next month in April to shortlisted bidders for the project. But why should we care? As we oppose the construction of a new lignite plant in Kosovo, shouldn’t we be glad to see that the project is going so slowly?

In fact, since the debate about Kosova e Re can not be separated from the wider question of securing a sustainable and affordable energy supply for Kosovo, we’re extremely concerned.

Institution after institution has been putting most of its eggs in one basket – the increasingly shaky ‘new lignite’ basket – and no one seems to have a Plan B. Even the project which more or less everyone agrees needs to be carried out – the rehabilitation of Kosovo B to bring it into line with the EU’s Industrial Emissions Directive – is not being given as high priority as the construction of an expensive new plant.

When we’ve warned that Kosovo needs a diversified and environmentally sustainable energy supply with massive efforts put into energy efficiency, we’re told that we’re being unrealistic – even though about 40 percent of Kosovo’s energy produced today goes unaccounted for through ‘technical and commercial losses’. But now who’s unrealistic? It’s 2014 already, and how is a 600 MW plant with unspecified technology and production costs going to be built by 2018, when the Kosovo government has committed to close the Kosova A plant?

With unknown costs to households, and with electricity tariffs already a highly sensitive issue in Kosovo (as witnessed by lively protests last spring related to poor metering), it seems that the assumption that the project will go ahead is on shaky ground. Such considerations seem to represent a blind spot for those promoting Kosova e Re.

Developing a Plan B will require political will, resources and dedication, but there are more and more resources available to do this. A wind atlas of Kosovo has been developed and investors have put forward a range of viable wind projects. The prices of utility-scale solar are dropping rapidly, and increasing regional integration offers opportunities for greater grid flexibility and exchange of electricity with neighbouring countries like Albania.

If as much time and money is put into Plan B as has been put into the Kosova e Re lignite project, we firmly believe it can be done.

Georgian Ministry of Energy orders use of force against local protesters who fear landslides from hydro construction


On Saturday, March 8, about 500 villagers staging a road block in the Adjara region were violently dispersed by an equal number of policemen and special forces. Deputy Minister of Energy, Ilia Eloshvili, stood by after ordering the intervention even though the reasons for his presence at the scene are unclear.

The incident has been recorded on video and reported in Georgian media. A representative from the Georgian Young Lawyers Association (GYLA), Gia Kartsivadze, said in an interview with netgazeti.ge:

“Based on what I have seen in videos filmed by the people there I can say that the police used violence against the protesters. GYLA is planning to provide legal assistance to the people.” (own translation)

The currently available video footage only depicts the scene after the police has taken control of the road.

The villagers blocked the road to prevent the construction of a tunnel for the 185 MW Shuakhevi hydropower plant (HPP) which the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development is considering to finance with a loan of up to USD 86.5 million (EUR 63.7 million). The tunnel, to be drilled under the village Ghurta, is one of three planned diversion tunnels as part of the project.

The locals say the territories of their villages are characterised by landslides and worry that the construction of a derivation tunnel and a reservoir may activate them. People still remember when in 1971 the worst of the landslides cost 22 people’s lives. The project company, Adjaristsqali Georgia LLC [*], denies these risks yet at the same time refuses to sign warranty contracts to offer compensation should the constructions cause damages.

The exact role of the Ministry of Energy in all this and the reason for Eloshvili’s presence is so far unclear. The construction permit for the plant was issued by the Ministry of Economy and partly based on expertise of the Ministry of Environment. The Ministry of Energy only initiated the project and signed a “Build, Operate and Own” agreement with Adjaristsqali (censored version available here) which should have ended its involvement.

Risk assessment

In order to decide between these contradicting claims a proper investigation into the landslide risks is needed, especially in the area where said tunnel will be constructed. In principle, the project’s environmental impact assessment (EIA) from September 2013 could offer this, but the study was by far not detailed enough. The Georgian version (pdf) describes this in chapter 6.9.4:

“[T]he geomorphologic and landslide hazard maps have been prepared from aerial photo interpretation supplemented by data from the ground and are not the result of detailed field mapping with full ground coverage. Both maps should therefore be used to indicate the general condition of the land surface over large areas.

Detailed ground investigations may be necessary for assessment of small areas and specific sites.” (emphasis added, our translation)

The ESIA report does not contain detailed geological surveys on the ground and for this reason alone cannot rule out negative impacts such as landslides. (Interestingly, this information is not to be found in the English version of the EIA report (available on the EBRD’s website (pdf)) which lacks the entire chapter 6.9.)

The report acknowledges this on page 392 (again, only in the Georgian, not the English version):

“[…] unexpected ground conditions may be encountered during the course of the construction works”.

The lack of geological survey data is especially true for the area near Ghurta, where the Skhalta Transfer Tunnel is planned to be constructed. It is covered in chapter 5.3.6.5 of the EIA report (equally only in the Georgian version):

“Skhalta Transfer Tunnel – No mapping or intrusive work has been undertaken along the Skhalta to Didachara transfer tunnel.”

The environmental impact assessment therefore clearly states that the project promoter has no knowledge whatsoever of the geological conditions around the village of Ghurta and the damage that the Shuakhevi HPP project may cause there.

Improved standards with the EBRD?

The project company Adjaristsqali Georgia LLC and the was very well aware of the EIA’s shortcomings. We had raised them in our comments to the report (pdf) [ka]. Yet, instead of taking the necessary precautions and undertaking a thorough geological assessment, the company ignored our comments but still received a construction permit.

Ironically, the EBRD’s rationale for considering a loan for the Shuakhevi project includes the following expected transition impact:

(iii) Setting standards for corporate governance and business conduct from the project’s potential for setting improved standards for HPP implementation in Georgia through the application of international best practices. (Source: EBRD)

Neither the project’s incomplete impact assessment, nor the government’s treatment of locals show the way towards “improved standards”.

The EBRD has not yet approved the loan and should not do so before at least the reasonable fear of landslides in Ghurta has been dispelled with geological data or locals will be resettled with prior and informed consent.

–

[*] Adjaristsqali Georgia LLC is owned by the Norwegian Clean Energy Invest AS (40%), India’s Tata Power (40%), and IFC Infraventures (20%), an investment fund created by the International Finance Corporation.

Guest post: Dr. Kim’s World Bank legacy hinges on Kosovo climate test


This blog post first appeared on the Sierra Club’s Compass blog and was re-posted here with kind permission by the author


Dr. Kim, President of the World Bank, has declared the world must do more to address climate disruption. His lofty rhetoric has soared over that of previous World Bank presidents, drawing widespread support for his progressive stance. But for those who follow this institution closely, one thing has always been true – talk is cheap. That’s why all eyes are now focused on whether Dr. Kim will walk the walk by rejecting a highly controversial new coal plant in the tiny Eastern European country of Kosovo. When it comes to making decisions that test their willingness to build climate legacies, President Obama has the Keystone XL tar sands pipeline, and Dr. Kim has a massive coal plant in Kosovo.

Dr. Kim’s decision should be cut-and-dried. The World Bank recently put coal finance restrictions in place, putting the institution on the right side of history. These restrictions essentially ended the institution’s support for the most carbon-intensive and destructive fossil fuel known to man or, as Grist blogger David Roberts, calls it, “the enemy of the human race.” But rather than adhere to these restrictions, let alone his own calls to address climate disruption, Dr. Kim is allowing the World Bank to pave the way for support for yet another coal plant, this time in Kosovo.

About three years ago, the World Bank began considering a loan guarantee for the construction of a new coal plant in Kosovo on the baseless assertion that this tiny nation was a renewable energy wasteland. But that’s not the case. In fact, the Bank’s own former chief clean-energy czar, Dr. Daniel Kammen, released a study showing that Kosovo can power itself with clean energy and do so more cheaply while producing more jobs than it would by building a coal plant. But rather than listen to his own former staff, Dr. Kim, a public health champion, has made embarrassing statements about Kosovars “freezing to death” as the alternative to funding this controversial project.

Kosovars have not responded kindly to the idea that their country, on course to join the European Union, has advanced so little that their citizens are freezing and dying in the streets. That’s why local civil society led by KOSID has waged a campaign for several years demanding Dr. Kim make good on his rhetoric and help move their country onto a clean-energy path that aligns with the rest of the EU. From high profile public service announcements about the health and economic risks of this ill-advised project to illuminating their demand for “no new coal in Kosovo” on the World Bank’s building in Washington, D.C., Kosovar citizens have made their opinion abundantly clear.

The problem is Dr. Kim isn’t listening. Instead, the World Bank is moving forward by conducting an environmental and social impact assessment that is likely to be perfunctory and pave the way for a final board vote that would approve millions of dollars for the coal-burning plant. Worse, sources are saying that in addition to providing a loan guarantee, the institution might double down and invest directly in the plant since even coal-plant construction companies aren’t investing.

But it’s not over yet. Across the world, civil society groups including the Sierra Club and KOSID are banding together to draw a line in the sand. It’s no longer enough to simply make strong statements about climate. It’s time to walk the walk. So let Dr. Kim know, just like President Obama, you’re watching to see if he passes his climate test.

Join us in taking Twitter by storm today and sending him a message: All eyes now on Dr. Kim @WorldBank, will he pass his #ClimateTest & reject #coal in #Kosovo?

Eyes on different prizes – EU funds negotiations enter last lap in Slovakia


The EU funds programming process in Slovakia is gaining speed as it enters its final phase for allocating just over EUR 15 billion in the 2014-2020 budgetary period. Slovakia is keen to start drawing EU funds as soon as possible – with good reason. The state budget is spread thin, with spending gaps evident in the regions and affecting public services. Companies await new deals, and Slovak institutions and authorities have their eyes trained on new financial injections via the EU funds.

How, then, is this crucial spending planning shaping up?

The final weeks of February saw the official commenting procedure for the Partnership Agreement (the main strategic document underpinning the new Cohesion Policy) concluding after tough negotiations involving all stakeholders and an impossible time frame of five working days. At first sight the Partnership Agreement fulfils most of the formal and legal requirements set by the EU: the key words are there, the analytic sections are bursting with graphs, charts and figures, and the strategic part suggests that Slovakia has its own view on so-called ‘thematic concentration’, with almost all the thematic objectives covered.

Yet herein lies one of the key difficulties: the finalised Partnership Agreement commits to a wide range of investments into all areas, contrary to European Commission intentions to concentrate and focus funding for key strategic areas.

Now is the time to finish what has been started and put on the table clear statements, concrete mechanisms and credible financing numbers to cover everything that is envisioned within this key strategic document. If not, Slovakia will face the very familiar, dreary implementation of business as usual projects with questionable results.

The measures included in the spending blueprint are, nevertheless, fairly progressive, with attention given to climate and the environment, the low-carbon agenda, civil society and partnership, bottom-up implementation, an integrated approach to regional development, and more. The horizontal (or cross-cutting) principle of sustainable development will be enshrined in new EU spending thanks to cooperation between the authorities and NGOs during negotiations. Equally, the inclusion of Community Led Local Development (CLLD) was celebrated as a success of many stakeholders as the government reversed its original decision not to apply the approach. And a survey, carried out by Bankwatch in 2013, of how well climate change initiatives feature in national EU spending plans revealed Slovakia as the best scoring among CEE new member states.

The key, though, is the translation of these good intentions into real concrete measures and actions – and financial allocations.

The CLLD tool is one example. A large chapter in the Partnership Agreement describes all the development disparities, investment priorities, benefits, mechanisms for implementation, requirements for new capacity building and management systems that will need to be taken account of in the advancement and realisation of community-led local development initiatives.

However, the same chapter reveals that the allocation for this vast area of intervention is a mere EUR 130 million. This is a major funding shortfall, and Slovak NGOs continue to call for 10 percent of the total allocation of EU funds – roughly 1.5 billion euros – to go towards CLLD. And why not? If Slovakia really believes that this bottom-up approach to EU funds is the right way to go for the regions, there has to be an appropriate commitment of resources.

The same issue is hampering the currently proposed allocation of ‘global grants’. This is a potentially very useful tool for specific micro and small beneficiaries such as small municipalities, community initiatives, micro businesses or NGOs. The tool is mentioned in a very short paragraph of the Partnership Agreement, But, again, there is no tangible financial commitment despite previous positive experience with this kind of instrument via Norwegian and Swiss funds. Experts I’ve spoken with suggested that as much as five percent of Slovakia’s total allocation of EU funds could be distributed in this way and make a significant difference for small economic stakeholders and local economies.

Finally, regarding ‘sustainable development’ matters, Several excellent proposals have made it into the Partnership Agreement, including green public procurement, a climate performance evaluation, sustainability criteria for the use of biomass in energy and instruments to steer the application of the ‘polluter pays’ principle. However, it will be crucial in the coming days for the state authorities to show willingness to finish what they have started, by both underpinning these concepts with concrete mechanisms and instruments, and ensuring their translation into the implementation documents of Slovakia’s individual operational programmes.

The Partnership Agreement is the place to state not only intentions but commitments, yet the latter are missing in Slovakia’s EU funds blueprint for now.

Recent experience during negotiations and dialogue with some representatives of the state has seen a positive change of attitude that has lead to some promising outcomes. Now is the time to finish what has been started and put on the table clear statements, concrete mechanisms and credible financing numbers to cover everything that is envisioned within this key strategic document. If not, Slovakia will face the very familiar, dreary implementation of business as usual projects with questionable results.

The programming process is now entering a phase of official negotiations with the European Commission, where a final round of comments and demands should be settled before the Commission’s approval of the Agreement. This should take place as soon as possible as the Slovak authorities are eager to get the spending going already in 2014. However, the European Commission is proving to be a hard partner to bargain with, and will no doubt continue to insist on clear, well defined and quantifiable outcomes from the plans.

Cold shower for Czech incinerator plans – no EU funding, says European Commission

The Czech Republic’s long-standing difficulties in realising major waste incinerator schemes via EU funds investments have taken a turn for the worse in recent weeks as the European Commission has poured cold water on the country’s incineration plans, both as they apply to the 2007-2013 EU funding period and to the forthcoming 2014-2020 period now entering the final stages of negotiations.

First off, a municipal waste incinerator project planned for EU funds support in 2007-2013 in Plzen, Czech Republic’s fourth largest city, has been flatly rejected by the European Commission. One media report quotes Joe Hannon, spokesman for European environment commissioner Janez Potočnik, as saying:

“We can not fund this incinerator because the Czech Republic can not explain how it relates to the [country’s] waste management system, designed to meet the objectives of the [European Waste Framework] Directive.”

A further recent pronouncement confirms wider Commission scepticism about the preparedness of and rationale behind ongoing incineration plans in Czech Republic. The Commission commented in late January on a near final draft of Operational Programme for the Environment (OPE), one of several key blueprint texts that will shape and dictate how the country spends its EUR 20.5 billion of EU funds in 2014-2020.

And the Commission’s verdict on the OPE waste proposals wastes no time in getting its point across, kicking off with this:

“The analysis presented and the specific objectives proposed to be met do not correspond to actually existing problems with the waste management policy in the Czech Republic … The presented OP is, according to p. 61 (CZ version), based on the existing National Waste Management Plan (from 2003), which is not in compliance with the European Waste Framework Directive and should have been replaced in 2013 by an updated plan. Therefore, the Commission cannot agree with the assertion of the Czech authorities that the National Waste Management Plan correctly addresses the obligations of the Waste Framework Directive.”

Turning specifically to waste incineration, and continuing its roasting of the Czech authorities, the Commission verdict effectively ‘locks out’ Czech incinerators from EU funding support:

“According to the latest discussion with the Czech authorities, there is no clear strategy including the number of the incinerators actually needed in the short or long-term perspective. Therefore, there is no justification for large and costly waste incinerators. Moreover, the higher levels of the waste hierarchy [eg, reuse and recycling] within the Waste Framework Directive should be supported by the EU funds. In order to avoid a ‘lock-in’ situation leading to the burning of waste which discourages waste prevention and recycling (as also raised during the meeting between Commissioner Potočnik and the Minister of the Environment in January), these investments should not be supported from the OPE.”

So, the current EU programming period (2007-2013) has seen no EU funding support for any municipal waste incineration project, and there is not going to be any such support in this period – indeed the poorly conceived incinerator plans (in Plzen, and too in the towns of Karvina and Most) have lead to around EUR 180 million being reshuffled unstrategically across Czech Republic’s EU budget lines, when such money could have been deployed effectively and prudently for sustainable waste management initiatives in the first place. A great deal of the failed incinerator money may in fact end up being sent back to Brussels.

In my view, if the benefits of concentrating our waste planning on much greater waste prevention and recycling were not already blindingly obvious, then the European Commission’s concerns surely underscore the pressing need to do something rather different in the Czech waste sector.

Yet the Czech ministry of environment remains intent on ‘recycling’ the same old thinking for 2014-2020 EU spending.

The Plzen and Most incinerator projects are back in the most recent EU funds spending drafts, with a potential overall EU subsidy of EUR 77 million. The same money could support providing waste bins for full waste separation that would benefit 380,000 Czech households. It would also mean a lot less messing around and time wasted trying to develop these pie in the sky, ‘landfill in the sky’ incinerator projects that are so unpopular with communities. But it seems, despite recent history and all the warnings, that the Prague authorities are determined to bring about another fine EU funds mess.

Promoters of mega-dam in Georgia use front group and PR campaign and discredit local community


Local communities that are demanding fair treatment when faced with a large infrastructure projects often hear promoters justifying the project with an alleged paramount national interest. It’s another way of saying: “Get out, or we will lose our patience.”

Kaishi, a town in the Georgian mountains of Svaneti, is in this very situation right now. The Khudoni mega-dam is planned to be built where now 800 people live and the land that was theirs by custom was given to the opaque investor Trans Electrica Ltd. for one dollar.

Among the project promoters is also Georgian vice Prime Minister and Minister of Energy, Kakha Kaladze who last week suggested that only a very small group of people are against the project:

“It should not been imagined that the whole population of the region is against the construction of Khudoni. There is a group of people who have a radical approach towards the matter.” (Source: medianews.ge [ka], own translation, emphasis added)

Yet, the people of Kaishi are far from being a small group of radicals who are blocking the region’s development for sentimental reasons. Last week, after a meeting of the representatives of all Svaneti communities, the Kaishi community published an open letter to the government that reiterates the commitment of Kaishi as a whole to protect their village against a project that is unnecessary:

“Thus we are stating that the village of Khaishi will continue to exist and develop normally and will stay loyal to the oath that was given in front of God and our nation against the Khudoni HPP project.” (own translation)

The mentioned oath is a traditional vow taken in the local church. The 200 families who have taken the oath pledge to protect Kaishi from flooding and accept that a curse will haunt them and future generations of their families. (The oath includes some colourful descriptions of the curse.)

A PR campaign to change public opinion

Also public opinion in Georgia is far from seeing the Khudoni dam as a project of utmost national interest. In a recent poll on Netgazeti.ge 63 percent of the 1300 participants voted against the project (one vote per IP address was allowed).

Public opinion poll of Netgazeti – 63.07% of participants voted against Khudoni HPP #greenfist http://t.co/4IUVwTlGvh pic.twitter.com/6cAtoSnh7p

— Dato Chipashvili (@DatoChipashvi1) February 20, 2014

The lack of public approval has brought the Ministry of Energy and the investors to run an intensive PR campaign to change public opinion. The campaign includes a range of TV ads with biased or distorted facts and a facebook fan page that miraculously gathered 16 000 likes practically overnight.

Even a front group called Georgian Infrastructural Project Initiative (SIPI) appeared out of nowhere in the beginning of this year with the following mission:

“[…] to inform society with facts and arguments on ongoing and planned infrastructural projects in order for the latter to be correctly interpreted by the people.” (emphasis added)

Although claiming to conduct studies and evaluations of infrastructure projects, the initiative mostly posts news articles to their website and the CNN’s iReport platform (none of the articles vetted by CNN). Almost all articles so far have been weakly veiled promotions of the Khudoni dam or of the project promoters’ activities.

A look at SIPI’s public registry file leaves no doubt that the organisation is nothing but another way of promoting Khudoni. The head of the organisation, Levan Kalandadze, is a close friend and party ally of businessman Irakli Iashvili. (Both are members of the New Rights Party). Iashvili is 50 percent shareholder of Trans Electrica Trading. The other half is owned by none other than Khudoni investor Trans Electrica Ltd. (The purpose of Trans Electrica Trading is not becoming clear from the registry. It only mentions that the company will deal with energy issues in general.)

–

The claimed openness of Kaladze and other project promoters to discuss with Kaishi and the rest of the Svaneti community will be put to another test tomorrow. Georgia’s Ombudsman Ucha Nanuashvili has invited all interested parties (including the ministry and the investor) for February 28 to discuss the human rights dimension of the Khudoni project. We’ll see who shows up.

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