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Energy security for Europe or profit for Lukoil?


Half a billion dollars from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and another half billion from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) are to be invested in Lukoil’s 10 percent share in the Shah Deniz offshore gas field in Azerbaijan (a final decision by the banks is expected in early 2015 but seems certain). (A little reminder: the EBRD is a public bank of both the EU and the US, with EU countries holding over half of voting rights. The Europeans also hold 15 percent of voting shares of the ADB.)

The two banks will finance two bridge-linked offshore gas platforms, 26 subsea wells, 500km of subsea pipelines, the expansion of the gas plant at Sangachal Terminal and the South Caucasus Gas Pipeline expansion.

And perhaps the most obvious irony in all of this is the willingness of international financing institutions backed up by Western governments to work with Russian company Lukoil on this project deemed crucial to the EU’s energy security from Russia.

The Shah Deniz oil and gas field is envisaged to be the main provider for one of Europe’s pet energy projects, the Southern Gas Corridor, a set of planned pipelines meant to bring gas into Europe from the Caspian region. The transportation infrastructure included in the Southern Corridor includes three major pipelines — South Caucasus, Trans Anatolian and Trans Adriatic — and all the Corridor is expected to require a total investment of more that 35 billion euros (45 billion US dollars).

The Southern Gas Corridor has been on Europeans’ minds for years but support for it gained even more momentum since the crisis in Ukraine, with advocates arguing that it is necessary to ensure the EU’s energy security in the face of an ever more aggressive Russia. Various components for the Corridor are now deemed priority energy projects for the EU and are being fast-tracked for financing by European public banks.

The first announcement for European public money support for the Southern Gas Corridor was made by the EBRD President Suma Chakrabarti at a press conference in Baku in July 2013. This July, the bank’s Director for Energy and Natural Resources, Riccardo Puliti, said that the EBRD is considering financing of up to 700 million US dollars for the Trans-Adriatic Gas Pipeline (TAP) and the Trans-Anatolian Gas Pipeline (TANAP) projects.

Land of fire and repression


A photo story from Azerbaijan.

Read and watch

Yet the promise of the Southern Gas Corridor as a guarantor of EU energy security and independence from Russia is questionable for more than one reason. For one, Azerbaijan is in no way a more secure country of supply than Ukraine or Russia. The unresolved conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno Karabakh, Russia-backed separatist regions like Abkhazia and South Ossetia claiming independence from Georgia, the threat of Maidan-style social unrest provoked by increasingly oppressive and corrupt elites in the region all pose a threat to the stability of Azerbaijan and neighbouring countries on the route of pipelines.

The EBRD justifies its loans by claiming they have a positive „transition impact” on the countries where the projects are located. Yet gas infrastructure is rarely a guarantee of peace and security as the example of Ukraine shows very well. On the contrary, energy politics undoubtedly contributed to the civil war in the country which delivered the final blow to Ukraine’s unstable economy.

And perhaps the most obvious irony in all of this is the willingness of international financing institutions backed up by Western governments to work with Russian company Lukoil on this project deemed crucial to the EU’s energy security from Russia. And this despite countless bombastic political statements from the West blaming Russia as an aggressor and calling for independence from it.

As a matter of fact, Lukoil is a long term client of the EBRD. The company has already received five EBRD loans since 2000, amounting to 840 million US dollars, of which 310 millions went for the Shah Deniz field development in Azerbaijan. The currently proposed half a billion loan follows an earlier investment of 200 million US dollars for Shah Deniz stage 1 extension of field development, which was approved by the EBRD in January this year. At the time, the EBRD stated that ‘this project has a high level of transparency and is adhering to strict international and national standards’.

The EBRD claims that its experience with the Shah Deniz development is positive and that the lead operator, British Petroleum, ‘has demonstrated a responsible approach to environmental and social issues’. But such assessments are hard to confirm, due to the crackdown on independent critics of the Ilham Aliyev dictatorship, the threats to freedom of expression and the persecution of human right defenders in Azerbaijan.

And if Lukoil company practices back in home country Russia are anything to go by, then we have only reasons for concern. In 2007, the EBRD invested 300 million US dollars in Lukoil’s strategic environmental programme in Russia which included, among others environmental remediation investments, pollution clean-up, pipeline replacement and gas flaring reduction.

At the end of 2013, shortly before the latest EBRD loan to Lukoil was approved, Lukoil was fined 614 million rubles (18.5 million US dollars) for nine oil spills since 2011 in Russia’s northern republic of Komi, which covered an area estimated between 20.5 and 21 hectares of land in the province. Reportedly Lukoil-Komi spent 15 million rubles on recultivating the polluted land, but the court ruled it to be an insufficient measure.

Greenpeace Russia produced a shocking video and reported accounts of indigenous Komi people who failed to note the ‘environmental benefits’ that the EBRD financed, but instead complained about lack of consultation on well construction in their backyard and a cover-up attempt of a leaking oil pipeline. In April the municipal council of Izhma district supported claims of local community and voted to stop oil company Lukoil operations in the area. A rally on Sunday, Nov. 16 [ru] was only the last protest by indigenous people from Komi against the damage from Lukoil operations.

Lukoil is a company with a poor environmental and safety record, in Russia and abroad. This should be enough reason for the EBRD to halt loans to it. Since the Ukrainian crisis, support for Russian energy companies from European public finance is hardly excusable. Finally, the deal is being justified by energy security needs of Europe, though Azerbaijan is far from a secure country of supply and Europe’s energy security would be much better ensured through domestic renewables and energy efficiency than through mega-pipelines bringing fossil fuels from countries with authoritarian regimes.

The way the Sourthern Gas Corridor and the political situation in the EU neighbourghood look today, one has to wonder whether the only ones to surely win from these loans are not the oil and gas companies involved in the development of these oil and gas fields and pipelines. The likes of British Petroleum, Turkish TPAO, Azeri SOCAR, Russian Lukoil and Iran’s Nico, members of the consortium in charge of the Shah Deniz field. Should we really use scarce European public resources to prop up the profits of such companies?

–

Read more

Azerbaijan – Land of fire and repression
A Bankwatch photo story.

Read and watch

EU Project Bonds are a worrying indication for the future EU long term investment plans


(Cross-posted from the Counter Balance blog.)

The pilot phase of the EU Project Bond Initiative is about to come to an end. Over the last two years nine infrastructure projects have been approved for refinancing through this risk sharing facility developed by the European Commission and the European Investment Bank (EIB). And much more will follow as this financial instrument and similar guarantee mechanisms will be used to leverage the foreseen €315 billion of Juncker’s InvestEU package.

We couldn’t think of a better moment to assess the merits of this mechanism and so, in co-operation with the GUE/NGL and Greens political groups, we brought together MEPs, civil society organisations and the European Commission (the EIB unfortunately did not attend) for a roundtable on the EU Project Bond Initiative in the European Parliament – what lessons can we learn from the pilot phase and what are the implications for the Juncker package?

Read also:


Castor project sends Project Bonds Initiative shockwaves, taxpayers hit worst
Bankwatch Mail article | December 2, 2014

Mind the infrastructure gap
Bankwatch Mail article | December 2, 2014

The Castor project, a gas storage facility in Spain, is the first and probably most notorious project that has been refinanced through EU project bonds. After the first gas injections caused a series of hundreds of earthquakes the project had to be halted but due to a contractual clause it was the Spanish government who had to take the losses. Spanish civil society groups were well represented to speak out against this project which first caused physical and later on financial shocks – with €1,4 billion debt being passed on to Spanish citizens through their gas bills.

Another iconic case which was presented: Passante di Mestre, a controversial motorway in Italy. So far it received an EIB loan but the huge debt that the project generated is being considered to be refinanced with EU project bonds. Rebecca Rovoletto of Opzione Zero, an Italian civil society organisation, explained why this should be avoided. Several companies and government officials involved in the project are entangled in a huge corruption scandal and have been arrested by the Italian authorities. Project bonds would be used to restructure the debt generated by these dodgy structures while the public would take up the guarantee for that.

It appeared that both projects, Castor and Passante di Mestre, revealed many of the structural weaknesses of the project bond mechanism, said representatives of Counter Balance.

First of all the PBI is structured as such that the public entity absorbs most of the risk in order to attract private investments. As a consequence losses are socialized while profits are privatised. Linked to that, the mechanism allows refinancing risky projects that failed to attract investments in any other way, and as a result the risk of failure and thus public debt is much higher.

The PBI favours projects such as Castor and Passante, large infrastructure projects, often with a considerable environmental impact. This mechanism is not suited to finance sustainable, locally supported projects.

The Castor project also showed that transparency remains a huge issue. Despite the well documented impacts of the project, most of the details about the contractual agreement, clauses and absorbed risks remain secret.

Finally there is also a corruption risk involved. In the case of Passante di Mestre hundreds of arrests of politicians and business men directly or indirectly linked to the motorway have been made on suspicions of corruption and links to organized crime. In this context, the president of the Italian anti-corruption authority has called project bonds a tool for money laundering as long as no public register for bondholders is in place and their identity remains unknown.

Giorgio, Chiarion-Casoni, one of the architects of the project bonds at the European Commission, stressed the need not to confuse the projects themselves with the financial mechanism mechanism. “I would also be angry [for the Castor project] if I were a Spanish citizen. This could be avoided with proper due diligence. The mechanism is not to blame”, he said.

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He did acknowledge however that in the project bonds mechanism the risks are completely shifted to the public. This will have serious consequences for the Juncker investment plan which will make use of similar risk-sharing mechanisms to leverage private investments amounting to €315 billion. The same risks than with the project bonds are likely to exist, but multiplied on a much larger scale.

To avoid new disasters civil society and the European Parliament need to take action. In this context, this public event can be seen as a first step to challenge the set-up of new risk-sharing mechanisms at EU level following the announcement of the InvestEU package, starting with the project bonds.

Counter Balance called for a moratorium on the Project Bond Initiative to take place, in order to re-assess its financial, social and environmental impact on EU citizens. Civil society also urged the Commission to ensure that a full-scale evaluation of the initiative materializes in 2015, in connection with an open and inclusive public consultation enabling not only market actors but also public authorities and civil society to voice their concerns about the roll-out of the initiative. Finally, NGOs called for more democratic oversight over project bonds through greater involvement of the European Parliament and possibly the European Court of Auditors.

Speakers at the event were the MEPs Teresa Rubio Rodriguez (GUE/NGL), Ernest Urtasun (Greens/EFA), Paloma Lopez Bermejo (GUE/NGL), Jordi Sebastia (Greens/EFA), Pablo Echenique (GUE/NGL) and Victor Tormo Ruiz (GUE/NGL). Civil society was represented by Sebastian Monserrat Esteller (Plataforma de vecinos de Vinarós), Rebecca Rovoletto (Opzione Zero), Elena Gerebizza (Re: Common) and Xavier Sol (Counter Balance).
Giorgio Chiarion-Casoni represented the European Commission (DG ECFIN), The European Investment Bank cancelled its participation at the last minute unfortunately.

New study assesses prospects for EU funded low-carbon energy solutions in Polish regions


Poland is currently in the final stages of planning how European funds under EU Cohesion Policy for 2014-2020 will be invested. Yet, beyond the national level, also Poland’s 16 regions (voivodeships) are about to conclude negotiations with the European Commission about the final shape of the Regional Operational Programmes (ROPs).

The results will show whether Poland’s regions are on the path to take full advantage of the potential of EU funds’ for the country’s sustainable development – a potential that is not to be underestimated. More than half of the EUR 9 billion that are earmarked for the low-carbon economy in Poland will be allocated and managed by the regional authorities. (For comparison, the total allocations of Cohesion Policy 2014-2020 for Bulgaria is EUR 7.59 billion, for Croatia EUR 8.61 billion.)

Bankwatch and Polish Green Network analysed the final drafts of the ROPs as they were presented to the European Commission. The analysis shows how ambitious (or not) the Polish regions are to invest in a low-carbon economy, in particularly when it comes to renewable energy and energy efficiency in residential buildings.

Report: Recommendations for the last state of programming of EU Regional Funds 2014-2020 for energy projects (pdf)

An important indicator is whether ordinary Polish households will be able to benefit from EU funds, for example through lower energy bills and greater security of energy supply. For smaller, localised investments, such as improving the energy standard in residential buildings or the production of citizen-owned energy from small renewables installations, the decisions made by the regional authorities will be essential.


Map: Allocation of funds for the thematic objective 4 on low-carbon economy as percentage of the total allocation of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) – Click image for full size

As the map above shows the level of ambition shown by Polish regions varies significantly.

While Śląskie in the South of Poland plans to spend almost 30 per cent of its European Regional Development Plan funds for low-carbon economy measures, there are many regions who keep the allocations close to the minimum 15 per cent, prescribed by the Polish Partnership Agreement.

While indicating the overall importance placed on the low-carbon economy objective by different regions, the map does not show their spending priorities within this area.

Energy efficiency in residential buildings

Going into more detail, one of the key elements we evaluated [1] was the availability of funding for energy efficiency in housing. The residential housing sector in Poland consumes over 30 per cent of all energy used in the country. The generally very poor energy standard of buildings resembles that of the 1970s in Western Europe and means a huge waste of energy and heat.

These losses could be avoided thanks to investments in deep retrofitting, estimated to result in up to 70 per cent energy savings.

Graph: Funds for energy retrofit of residential buildings (in euros and as a percentage of all ERDF funds in a region)

Looking at the Regional Operational Programmes, the allocations for improving energy efficiency in residential buildings are alarmingly low in relation to the entire amount of funds intended to support a low-carbon economy, and even more so in relation to the total ERDF allocation in a given region (see graph).

According to our analysis, the public sector seems to have priority in the regional spending plans with more than twice as much funds allocated to improving energy efficiency in state and municipality-owned buildings than in residential houses.

Yet, it is especially in residential buildings where energy efficiency measures should get priority funding given that such investments are more difficult to undertake for private households who — in contrast to public institutions — do not have sufficient financial resources or access to subsidies and preferential loans.

Investments in retrofitting multifamily houses could significantly alleviate the financial burden faced by many Polish families and improve their quality of life. Research by the Polish Institute for Sustainable Development and the Warsaw Institute for Economic Studies shows that Polish households spend on average around 15 per cent of their disposable incomes on energy bills. According to another research paper (pdf) on energy poverty in the EU, more than 20 per cent are unable to afford comfortable temperature levels at home during the winter.

What’s next?

Once negotiations with the European Commission are finalised, it will be up to the regions themselves to prepare the more detailed implementation documents that outline exactly who will be able to apply for funding from the EU budget, for what kind of project and on what terms.

Our report “Green Energy for All: Six recommendations for the last stage of programming of EU regional funds 2014-2020 for energy projects” contains some key demands for the last, crucial stage of the EU funds programming, and recommendations on how to make them reality.

These recommendations regard:

  • allowing for deep retrofitting of residential buildings,
  • supporting RES microinstallations and prosumer energy,
  • investing in renewables to improve air quality in Polish cities,
  • financing environmental education and information campaigns,
  • ensuring high biodiversity protection standards in energy-related projects,
  • providing support for community energy and partnerships.

We call on Polish voivodeships to show ambition, go for quality and to invest rather than just spend.

Notes

1. The other elements are prosumer renewable energy, air quality, environmental education, biodiversity protection and communities and partnerships in the energy sector.

EBRD sticks to business as usual despite Ukraine facing war and severe shortages


Energy security has been on everybody’s minds since the Ukrainian crisis erupted. And more than elsewhere, this is a concern in Ukraine itself, which this winter is seriously struggling to meet its basic energy needs after gas supplies from Russia were cut in June.

And yet, Ukraine’s “Western benefactors” seem quite far off from providing serious help. When it comes to international financial institutions operating in Ukraine, such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), the rhetoric may be fine, but the reality does not match up to it.

EBRD President Suma Chakhrabarti said earlier this year that a fundamental issue for Ukraine is its low level of energy efficiency and that, if this was raised to European standards, Ukraine would only need to import very small amounts of gas.

Indeed, the energy intensity of Ukraine’s economy is among the highest in the world, two and a half times higher than the OECD country average. Energy losses in power grids are twice as high as the EU average, and losses of heat in the centralised heating system eat up to 25-40 per cent of the generated heat. (See also this infographic [ua].) All this is already produced energy but it does not reach the end consumers.

Yet the EBRD has done little to change its approach to Ukraine since the downfall of Yanukovych and Russia’s invasion. Yes, the bank has opened a few small credit lines for residential energy efficiency, adding up to little over 110 million euros but most of it would not become available to Ukrainian beneficiaries until summer 2015 when the Board of the EBRD will be deciding on the Ukrainian Residential EE Financing Facility (UREEFF). Such investments, of course, are needed as soon as possible. And we need more of it.

Still, the chunk of EBRD funds is set to go to old mega-projects that would only become operational in ten years and have little to do with energy system efficiency improvements.

Between 2006 and 2013, the EBRD approved investments of over 1.2 billion euros in the country’s energy sector with almost half going to state monopolists like Ukrenergo, operator of the country’s high-voltage transmission system and Energoatom, operator of all nuclear power plants in Ukraine. The EBRD supported new high voltage transmission lines and upgrades at nuclear power plants to enable their operation for another two decades.

And now, we are set for more of the same.

Ukrenergo’s recently invited to scoping meetings for the Second Backbone ultra-high voltage transmission line, over 900 km of new 750 kV lines, which was introduced back in 2010 and was part of an old country energy strategy from 2006 which was already proven to be unrealistic.

Yet this project not only has whopping costs of around 2.6 billion euros, it would also be primarily allow for electricity exports to the EU and it would take decades to become operational. In brief, it would do nothing to ensure the current urgent needs of domestic consumers in Ukraine. And even in the long run, it would lead to an amount of savings so small that it falls within the range of statistical error [1].

Not to mention that Ukrenegro is notorious for not being able to complete the projects it commits to. The only one they did manage to finish until now (out of three for which they received EBRD financing) is the 124 km transmission line Adzhalyk-Usatove, whose construction was accompanied by contested changes of routing, severe clashes between police and locals and an extra costs of 5 million euros to move the line out of villages.

For us in Ukraine, the big question is whether this type of investments preferred by the EBRD is really the most effective, cheapest and fastest mean of addressing the energy challenges of the country.

Unfortunately, a detailed feasibility study for the Second Backbone project is not available despite this study being funded directly by the EU via the Neighbourhood Investment Facility (NIF). Ukrenergo did not provide any figures on the project’s feasibility during a scoping meeting in Odessa taking place in mid-November. No EBRD staff were present at the meeting.

So we can only conclude that the EBRD is continuing to do business as usual despite all that has happened in Ukraine.

According to the latest information, international lenders such as the European Investment Bank and the World Bank are considering financing another controversial long-term project, the Kaniv pumped storage plant, a project from which the EBRD had pulled out six years ago because of serious concerns regarding the project’s economical and technical feasibility.

The EBRD and other IFIs must understand that it is not an option any more to continue with business as usual in Ukraine. We simply might not survive as a country to see the benefits (if any) from those long-term mega-projects they have been slowly developing in previous years.

It is time to admit that reconstruction and refurbishment programmes of existing infrastructure is more hard work, yes, but it is what can truly make a difference for the people in my country in the short run.

Notes

1. The final scoping report for the Second Backbone UHV Corridor claims the project will provide annual savings of 220 GWh – or about 0,1 per cent of annual electricity production in Ukraine (195 TWh).

Time to stop shooting the messenger


MANS, the Network for the Affirmation of the Non-governmental Sector, has for years been one of the most active and fearless NGOs in Montenegro, uncovering the numerous corruption scandals that plague the country and hinder improvements in the quality of life of its people.

It has long been subject to over-reactions from the authorities regarding its activities, but recent attacks by the Informer ‘newspaper’, considered by many to be close to the Montenegro authorities, have spilled over into the territory of the vile and absurd.

For the second time this year, in late October the ‘newspaper’ published offensive sexual images on its cover page and implied that they portrayed MANS’ Executive Director Vanja Calovic. The first smear campaign, in June, was launched after MANS revealed numerous irregularities, possible cases of political corruption and vote buying at local elections in several municipalities held in May this year. Its publication was a deliberate attempt to compromise her personal and professional integrity.

This repeated smear campaign against Calovic is threatening not only MANS, but also other civil society activists and individuals that dare to reveal corruption and organized crime.

The case is all the more alarming for taking place in an EU accession country, but is unfortunately not the only case, as Bankwatch recently showed. From Hungary to Russia; from Egypt to Azerbaijan, civil society is coming under increasing pressure.

The authorities’ capacity to respond appropriately varies: often the repression is clearly perpetrated by the government. In the ‘Informer’ case, where the smear campaign against Vanja Calovic is at least nominally carried out by the media, government institutions must move fast to ensure freedom of speech and respect of human rights of civil society activists. The Montenegrin government is responsible for ensuring the full appreciation of individual human rights guaranteed by international conventions and the Montenegrin Constitution, including in cases of individuals that are criticizing corrupted behaviour of the government.

We also expect that the new EU commission and Commissioner Hahn who is responsible for Neighbourhood Countries will clearly condemn such practices, and that the EU will back its words with action.

Two great new websites on all things coal


Over the last years, we’ve seen remarkable progress in the fight against coal and the pollution and climate risks coming with it.

Not only have international financial institutions adopted policies to all but limit support for coal plants. But a global movement has stopped new coal plants and mines almost everywhere.

In the European Union, 109 proposed coal-fired power plants have been defeated. Since China’s air pollution crisis, mainly due to massive coal burning, 10 of China’s 34 provinces have banned the construction of new coal-fired power plants. Coal-burning in the US has dropped by 21% after peaking in 2007. US groups have defeated 179 new coal-fired power plants, and more than 177 existing plants are slated for retirement.

Yet a lot still needs to be done to end our addiction to coal once and for all – the Western Balkans being a case in point. Two new websites launched this week now offer a slew of information about the remaining challenge and how to tackle it.

coalbanks.org

While Bankwatch focuses on public financial institutions, our friends at BankTrack are taking on commercial banks for ten years already. This week BankTrack launched the new ‘Coal banks’ website that

“provides extensive data about the banking industry’s ongoing deep links with the coal industry, and gives people around the world an opportunity to directly encourage banks to finally end their coal financing.” (BankTrack press release)

Worryingly, their extensive research shows that 2013 constitutes a record year for private banks’ support to coal, with a four-fold increase since 2005.

endcoal.org

Launched today by a group of environmental, social justice and health advocates from around the world, endcoal.org is a resource for local communities, activists, students and researchers who want to learn more about the problems with coal and solutions to meet global energy needs. The website is packed with resources and news on all things coal.

Most impressive thought is the site’s interactive map and database that tracks all planned coal plants around the world since 2010. The Coal Plant Tracker, developed by CoalSwarm, allows you to find out how many coal plants are planned in any given country, track stages of development, and access more detailed information on the projects.

If you thought there was no need to campaign against coal, just take a look at Turkey for example:

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